http://www.activ-balance.com/: 十一月 2010

2010年11月10日星期三

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海臺灣海峽等部分海域有大風

　　4月9日凌晨2時，黃海北部海域出現了5～7級西南風；黃海中部和南部海域出現了4～6級東南風；東海南部海域、臺灣海峽、南海東北部海域出現了5～7級東北風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　預計，9日8時至10日8時，渤海將有5～6級東北風；黃海大部海域、東海北部海域將有4～5級偏南風；東海南部海域、臺灣海峽、臺灣以東洋面和以南海域、南海東北部海域將有4～6級東北風。北部灣、南海西北部海域將有霧，能見度不足10公里。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　10日8時至11日8時，渤海將有5～6級東北風；黃海大部海域將有4～6級東北風；東海大部海域、臺灣以東洋面和以南海域、南海大部海域、北部灣海域將有4～6級南到東南風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海臺灣海峽部分海域將出6-7級西北風

　　4月7日凌晨2時，黃海東南部海域出現了6～7級西北風；東海大部海域、臺灣海峽出現了7～8級偏北或東北風；東海大部海域、臺灣海峽、北部灣的能見度不足10公里。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　預計，7日8時至8日8時，渤海、黃海北部海域將有6～7級、陣風8～9級的西南風；黃海南部海域、東海北部海域將有5～7級、陣風8級的東北風；東海南部海域、臺灣海峽、臺灣以東洋面將有6～8級、陣風9級的東北風；南海東北部海域、臺灣以南海域的東北風將由5～6級增加到6～7級、陣風8級；南海西北部海域將有5～6級東北風轉4～5級東南風；北部灣將有5～6級東北風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　8日8時至9日8時，渤海將有6～7級、陣風8～9級的西南風轉東北風；黃海北部和中部海域將有6～7級、陣風8～9級的西南風；東海南部海域將有5～7級旋轉風；臺灣海峽、臺灣以南海域、南海大部海域將有4～6級的東北風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海南海臺灣海峽等海域將有大風

　　8月20日凌晨2時，黃海大部海域出現了4～6級偏南風；東海大部海域出現了4～6級東北或東南風；臺灣海峽、臺灣以東洋面出現了4～6級東北風；臺灣以南海域、南海北部海域出現了5～6級偏東風；南海中部和南部海域出現了5～7級旋轉風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　預計，20日8時至21日8時，渤海將有4～6級旋轉風；黃海大部海域將有4～6級偏南風；東海大部海域將有4～6級東南或偏東風；臺灣海峽、臺灣以東洋面將有4～6級東北風；臺灣以南海域、南海北部海域將有5～7級偏東風；南海中部和南部海域將有5～7級旋轉風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　21日8時至22日8時，渤海將有4～5級西南風轉5～7級東北風；黃海北部和中部海域將有4～6級西南風；黃海南部海域、東海大部海域將有4～6級東南風；臺灣海峽、臺灣以東洋面將有5～6級東北風；臺灣以南海域、南海北部海域將有5～6級偏東風；南海中部海域將有5～7級旋轉風；南海南部海域將有5～6級西南風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海南海等局部將有5～7級風

　　1月27日凌晨2時，渤海、黃海北部和中部海域出現了4～6級西南風；黃海南部海域、東海北部海域出現了5～6級偏南風；臺灣以南海域和以東洋面、南海北部和西南部海域出現了5～7級東北風；東海南部海域、臺灣海峽、南海中部海域出現了5～6級東北風。北部灣、南海北部海域的能見度不足10公里。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　預計，27日8時至28日8時，渤海將有5～7級西北轉東北風；黃海北部和中部海域將有5～7級西北到北風；黃海南部海域、東海北部海域將有5～7級西南轉北風；東海南部海域、臺灣以東洋面將有4～6級偏南風；臺灣海峽、臺灣以南海域、南海中部和南部海域將有4～6級東到東北風；南海北部海域將有4～6級東到東南風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　28日8時至29日8時，渤海、黃海北部和中部海域將有5～6西北風；黃海南部海域、東海大部海域、南海大部海域將有4～6級東北風；臺灣海峽將有5～7級東北風；臺灣以東洋面將有4～6級偏南轉東北風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海臺灣海峽有5-7級大風

　　5月17日凌晨2時，黃海大部海域、東海北部海域出現了4～5級東南風；東海南部海域、臺灣海峽、臺灣以東洋面出現了4～5級東北風。渤海、黃海部分海域、臺灣海峽的能見度不足10公里。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　預計，17日8時至18日8時，渤海將有5～6級偏南風；黃海大部海域、東海北部海域將有5～7級、陣風8級的南到東南風；東海南部海域、臺灣海峽、臺灣以東洋面將有4～6級東北風轉西南風；北部灣將有5～6級偏南風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　18日8時至19日8時，渤海、黃海北部海域將有4～6級西南風轉西北風；黃海中部和南部海域將有5～7級偏南風轉4～6級西北風；東海北部海域將有5～7級南到西南風；東海南部海域、臺灣海峽、臺灣以東洋面將有4～6級西南風；北部灣將有5～6級偏南風。其他海域天氣海況條件較好。
　　

廣東省市公務員考試報名結束 2750人競6崗位

　　最熱

　　番禺區工商局科員崗位，招6人，共有2750人報考。

　　最冷

　　市勞動教養管理所主任科員以下職位，招兩人，只有一人報考。

　　本報訊 (記者曾衛康)昨日，省、市公務員考試報名結束。這次，“省考”共有2231個職位供選擇，“市考”則提供了2118個職位。

　　截至昨晚7時，共有74103人報名參加廣州市公務員考試。考錄比最高的是廣州市工商行政管理局番禺分局的科員職位，招考6人，共有2750人報考，考錄比達 458.3：1。

　　今年，省、市公務員報名同步進行。這次廣東省公務員考試共有2231個職位可供選擇，廣州市的考試則提供2118個職位。

　　據市人力資源和社會保障局工作人員透露，除公檢法司系統職位與省公布職位一致外，其他職位都是市屬。只要考試時間不沖突，考試可同時報考省、市職位。

　　昨日下午，省、市公務員考試報名結束。根據此前公告，省公務員考試報名的截止時間是昨日下午4時，但是由于考生報名踴躍，報名時間延長了1個小時，招考單位審核時間延長至昨晚8時截止。

　　截至昨晚7時，這次廣州市公務員考試共有74103人報名，成功報名的有42296人。

　　單個公務員崗位報名人數最多的是市公安局的一民警崗位，3300人報名，招收240人。

　　考錄比最高的是廣州市工商行政管理局番禺分局的科員職位，招考6人，共有2750人報考，報考比例達458.3：1。

　　相對較冷的是從化市選調生一職，招收一人，只有兩個人報考，截至昨晚7時，還沒人成功報考。花都區人民法院辦公室科員職位也遭遇相同待遇。最冷的則是廣州市第一勞動教養管理所主任科員以下職位，招收兩人，只有一人報名，截至昨晚7時，還沒人報名成功。

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廣東企業對應屆生需求升溫畢業生起薪看漲

　　中新網廣州4月28日電 (王慕宇謝平江)筆者28日從此間正略鈞策商業數據中心了解到，2010年企業對應屆生需求升溫，畢業生漲薪幅度增加，其中專科和碩士的薪酬增加幅度超過6%，本科生、博士分別為4%、5%。

　　2010年有40%的企業預計增加校園招聘人數，41%的企業校園招聘計劃和2009年持平，其中，金融行業在2010年將大規模擴大校園招聘人數。企業對應屆生的需求開始升溫，性價比高是主要原因。

　　同時，2010年本科生、碩士、博士平均起薪分別為2116元，3393元、5399元，碩士比本科生平均薪酬高60%，博士比碩士平均薪酬高59%，本科、碩士、博士的薪酬差距變大。

　　與2009年畢業生起薪各層次增長幅度均不超過3%相比，2010年畢業生的漲薪幅度開始增加，其中專科和碩士的增加幅度超過6%，本科4%，博士5%。

　　對于漲薪幅度，正略鈞策商業數據中心負責人于立文認為，畢業生薪酬增長幅度要高于去年，2010年整體薪酬增長在9%左右。

　　漲薪幅度增大的原因在于全球經濟開始復蘇，市場回暖，企業用工需求增大。正略鈞策管理咨詢調研顯示，2010年的GDP增長、CPI增幅將拉動薪酬增長。2010年企業薪酬預算增長率8.37%，高于2009年7.8%的漲薪幅度。選擇降薪的企業為0，凍薪的企業只有0.88%，均比2009年有明顯好轉。薪酬增幅在6-10%的企業占到43.16%。

　　不過，校園招聘的熱度依然沒有社會招聘高，企業更傾向于招聘有經驗的專業人士。與2009年相比，預計增加或大規模增加2010年社會招聘的企業達到60%，只有9%的企業減少招聘人數。

　　另外，關于2010年畢業生薪酬調研顯示：一線城市(北京、上海、廣州、深圳)畢業生平均薪酬水平遠高于二三線城市。一線城市本科畢業生的薪酬水平比其他二三線城市高37%，碩士畢業生平均薪酬比其他二三線城市高近千元，薪酬差距非常明顯。

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廣東省出臺十條“春暖行動”力挺農民工就業

　　2008年下半年以來,由于世界金融危機進一步蔓延并波及實體經濟,廣東部分企業生產經營出現困難,使農民工的就業和生活受到影響。廣東省委、省政府對此高度重視,把促進農民工就業擺在更加突出的位置。中共中央政治局委員、省委書記汪洋,省長黃華華多次聽取匯報,并作出重要批示指示。

　　“南粵春暖行動”切實幫助農民工解決實際問題,已為上百萬農民工帶來實惠。舉辦萬場免費農民工招聘活動的成效先后受到了國務院就業工作檢查組、國務院農民工工作督導組和省委、省政府領導的充分肯定。

　　“南粵春暖行動”主要針對金融危機下農民工失業返鄉、維權等突出問題,充分整合政府各部門資源,著力為農民工提供10大方面的服務。

　　●就業援助。及時掌握農民工失業情況,廣泛收集崗位信息,為農民工提供免費職業指導、職業介紹、推薦就業服務,開展“一對一”就業援助；全省免費舉辦農民工專場招聘會10000場,服務技能型農民工500萬人次以上,促進失業農民工盡快就業和轉崗就業。

　　●素質提升。實施全民技能提升和儲備計劃,依托技工院校、職業院校和培訓機構,充分利用假期集中開展農民工培訓；實施遠程職業技能培訓計劃,依靠鄉鎮(街道)、村委會(居委會)、企業、社會機構組織開展多形式、多渠道的農民工培訓；援助家庭困難的農民工子女入讀技校和職校。

　　●返鄉創業。創建農民工創業“綠色通道”,簡化審批程序,降低農民工自主創業和返鄉創業門檻,對農民工創業給予用地、信貸、工商登記、稅收等多方面的支持,積極引導和鼓勵農民工創業,大力開展創業培訓和創業服務。

　　●社會保險。開辟農民工失業保險待遇領取“綠色通道”、養老保險關系轉移“綠色通道”、參保就醫費用結算“綠色通道”,階段性降低社會保險費率,擴大失業保險基金使用范圍,加快推動農村養老保險制度建設,研究制定農民工養老保險辦法。

　　●勞動仲裁。開辟勞動爭議調解仲裁“綠色通道”,依法采取先行裁決、先予執行,簡化辦案程序,提高辦案效率,全力以赴加快審結農民工勞動爭議案件,最大限度地維護農民工合法權益。

　　●子女入學。建立完善農民工子女就學政策體系,逐步提高公辦中小學接收農民工子女入學比例,確保農民工子女平等接收義務教育,扶持面向農民工子女民辦學校發展,加快農村寄宿制學校建設,加強留守兒童的教育管理服務,積極開展對農民工子女就學的援助行動。

　　●健康計生。組建醫療隊深入農民工聚集地,開展農民工系列醫療衛生服務活動,嚴格監控農民工職業衛生環境狀況,保證農民工子女享受免疫等衛生保健服務,為農民工提供計劃生育服務,開展關愛女農民工的衛生行動。

　　●薪酬保障。加大企業工資支付專項執法檢查力度,堅決查處工資支付違法行為；切實做好企業經營者逃匿欠薪墊付工作,對欠薪逃匿企業實行社會公布制度和行政司法聯動程序；推動勞動密集型和外向型企業建立銀行支付工資系統,建立健全符合我省和本地區實際的欠薪保障制度。

　　●返鄉交通。摸查和監控農民工返鄉動態,優化配置交通運力；為農民工提供交通信息發布、團體訂票等服務；加強安全檢查,確保農民工安全有序流動。

　　●政策法規咨詢。通過在車站和碼頭設現場咨詢點、熱線電話、網絡等方式進一步提高咨詢服務的覆蓋面,讓農民工了解相關的政策法規和辦事程序；編印下發1000萬份有關農民工政策宣傳單；深入基層組織10000場政策宣講會。

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廣東農民工就業回暖“缺工”倒逼產業轉移

　　隨著經濟的不斷回暖，就業大省廣東的就業形勢也逐漸明朗。

　　21日，在佛山市南海舉行的廣東省“南粵春暖行動”第10000場免費農民工招聘會上，超過100家用工需求較大的企業進場，提供崗位信息5000個以上；有超過3000名省內外農民工進場求職。

　　隨著經濟的逐漸回暖和就業扶持力度的加大，廣東省人力資源市場求人倍率也在不斷上揚。1月份全省人力資源市場求人倍率降至0.95，為2004年以來的最低點。但到三季度，求人倍率已上升至1.04，“民工荒”在珠三角部分地區重現。

　　近期以來，位于東莞的貝家鞋業老板王偉經常為招工發愁，他告訴CBN，目前工廠訂單情況很好，可以排到明年五六月份，但用工形勢卻比較嚴峻。目前他所在的行業工人缺口在30%~50%之間，他自己的企業缺口在30%左右，“大概還缺100人。馬上到年底了，要過了春節才知道明年用工形勢有否改善。”

　　“今年很奇怪，我們都搞不清楚為什么招工這么難。”王偉笑著說。

　　廣東省就業服務管理局局長甘文傳對CBN表示，“民工荒”的出現，是多種因素共同影響的結果，包括經濟回暖用工需求增加、惠農政策分流了部分農民工等等。但其中，企業提供的薪酬對農民工不具備足夠的吸引力是最重要的因素。“并不是農民工沒有就業意向，而是企業工資報酬確實不足夠有吸引力，造成了招工難。經濟回暖企業用工需求是增加了，但報酬不增加，那就產生了缺工現象。”

　　“我們自己接單過程中被壓價還是蠻厲害的，我們自己業內的競爭太厲害了。”王偉告訴CBN，訂單的價格都壓得很低，所有的經營成本都在提高，如果工資再加上去的話，企業是很難承受的。“我們給的工資已經比最低工資高很多了，但還是留不住好的工人。”

　　“工資薪酬提不上去，表明企業的訂單增加并不意味著利潤增加，企業就沒有足夠的空間可以分享給農民工。”甘文傳認為，目前農民工的就業形勢仍然比較嚴峻，“因為如果要去求職，必須要達到自己心理的價位才行。”

　　他認為，廣東要形成一種缺工對產業轉移的倒逼機制，“企業如果再靠單純發展勞動密集型的傳統型產業，你就很難吸引到合適的勞動力了，農民工不是沒有就業意愿，而是企業在薪酬方面沒有足夠的吸引力來吸引他們。”

　　而對外來農民工而言，必須提高自身技能，才能適應產業轉移的需求。廣東省委常委、副省長肖志恒在昨日的招聘會上表示，廣東要把促進優秀農民工在城鎮就業和落戶作為重要任務，更加重視農民工就業工作，更加重視農民工技能培訓，更加重視提升農民工創業能力。

　　甘文傳告訴CBN，明年廣東的就業形勢仍比較嚴峻，相關進一步扶持就業的舉措仍在研究之中。

Tag: Job | Jobs | 求職

廣東一教育局長受賄被抓近百校長迫于壓力自首

昨日，廣東省檢察院公布了全省檢察反貪部門2009年度“十大精品案件”，其中包括原英德市教育局長收受校服供應商、建筑商賄款60余萬元。除廣州外，基本每個地市僅一宗案件上榜。一半為系統或集體窩案，涵蓋教育系統、水利系統等，而個人受賄等職務犯罪的涉案金額均在百萬以上。

　　1 深圳人事局“正處”受賄193萬

　　吳乾民，男，原任深圳市人事局公務員處調研員(正處級)。經查，其利用招調公務員職權收受賄賂共計193萬元，并隱瞞境外存款358萬港元。

　　2 英德教育窩案近百校長自首

　　賴來新，男，原任英德市教育局局長。經查，賴來新利用職務之便，先后多次收受校服供應商、建筑商的賄賂共計人民幣66.5萬元。該案涉案人員多、涉及面廣、社會影響大，是系統案件、商業賄賂窩串案的典型案例。

　　上榜理由：賴來新落網后，近百位涉案校長迫于壓力紛紛投案自首，追繳大量贓款及非法所得，實現了法律效果和社會效果的有效統一。

　　3 廣州水利窩案單位行賄75萬

　　陳長東，男，原系廣東省水利水電第三工程局第四工程公司經理。經查，陳長東利用職務便利，多次收受個體施工隊負責人給予的財物合計125萬元。同時，他還伙同公司主管人員，私分公司工程款96萬元。此外，陳長東還以公司名義向工程業主單位和設計單位的國家工作人員賄送現金共75.3萬元。

　　上榜理由：該案系重點水利工程窩串案，是通過簡單線索實現重大突破的典型案例，在偵查過程中較好地運用了偵查一體化措施。

　　4 東莞某銀行眾領導私分3300萬

　　經查，2000年至2002年間，中國人民銀行東莞市中心支行借下屬合資公司東莞證券公司改制之機，違反國家規定，在該行領導班子方達文、何錦成、吳灼均、鄧玄泰、劉秋耀、黃巨文一致決定后，以購買商業保險、發福利等形式將國有資產3300多萬元進行私分。

　　上榜理由：該案涉案人員多、級別高、私分金額巨大、社會影響大。

　　5 增城某路橋公司老總受賄私分公款

　　羅神宋，原任增城市廣長路橋發展有限公司董事長、總經理，增城荔新公路發展有限公司總經理。

　　2003年至2007年，羅神宋利用主管荔新公路改擴建工程的職位便利，在施工管理、支付工程款等過程中為承建商提供幫助，受賄共計308萬元;利用負責管理荔新公路改擴建工程專項資金的職務便利，虛列工程款支出，套取專項資金人民幣141.9萬元，再集體私分公司員工;另有201.3萬元人民幣、3.1萬港元、9637.7美元不能說明合法來源;濫用職權，造成國有資產損失共計413.7萬元。

　　上榜理由：辦案單位在偵查過程中從貪污入手突破受賄，深挖行業犯罪，追贓成效大，并有效防止了群體事件的發生。

　　6 云浮市政協數“蛀蟲”貪污受賄

　　傅光波，原云浮市政協秘書科科長、云浮市政協提案法制委副主任，云浮市委辦副主任、云浮市糧食局局長。溫海林，原任云浮市政協科技農林水委員會副主任。林銳光，原中國國際貿易促進委員會云浮市支會副會長。朱慶彬，原云浮市政協辦公室人事科科長。

　　經查，傅光波利用其負責聯系接收港澳籍政協委員捐款工作的便利，截留公款58萬港元、15萬元人民幣，占為己有;溫海林利用政協組團出國考察之機，將剩余的公款1萬美元占為己有;林銳光通過朱慶彬職務上的行為，為27名香港居民辦理粵港兩地車牌，收受請托人給予財物69萬元及小汽車一輛，朱慶彬收受財物價值共96萬元。

　　上榜理由：該案在涉及港澳地區協查取證方面勇于嘗試和創新，值得借鑒和推廣。

　　7 中山“下鄉”經理帶頭私分千萬公款

　　2006年間，原中山市農村供電總公司小欖供電公司經理林華龍，利用其被委派到小欖鎮成安電氣工程有限公司(非國有公司)的職務便利，伙同副經理郭澤軍、出納李健儀、安全員李錫堅、職工侯巨富共同侵吞本單位財物共計1117萬元。

　　上榜理由：通過擴線深挖，辦案單位成功查處了包括該單位經理在內的貪污窩串案5件5人。

　　8 珠海開發區領導受賄百余萬

　　王琳，原任珠海市萬山海洋開發試驗區管委會副書記。2000年至2008年，王琳在擔任南屏科技工業園管委會主任、珠海保稅區管委會常務副主任、主任以及萬山海洋開發試驗區管委會副書記、主任期間，利用職務之便，收受珠海巨業建設監理公司總經理曾憲清等人賄賂共計106萬元人民幣、21萬港元。

　　上榜理由：該案在挖掘和經營案件線索方面表現突出。

　　9 信宜廣電臺臺長貪賄百余萬

　　張洋，原任信宜市廣播電視臺黨組書記、臺長。張洋利用職務之便，采取虛構工程項目和虛開發票從單位財會報銷的方法，侵吞公款95.7萬元;在辦理接收和吸收新職員工作或由臨時工轉為正式工過程中，非法收受他人賄款71.1萬元。

　　上榜理由：該案從一個原本10多萬元的廣電系統案件入手，突破成幾百萬元的特大案件，涉案金額大、追贓力度大、社會影響大。

　　10 揭陽市法院陳敏生黃楷云受賄

　　陳敏生，男，曾先后擔任揭陽市中院經濟庭副庭長、民一庭副庭長。經查，2000年7月至2004年9月，其在主辦、審理普寧市旅游總公司訴英國卜內門太古漆油有限公司及龐貝捷漆油貿易(上海)有限公司網絡銷售代理合同糾紛一案中，為普寧市旅游總公司挽回重大損失。

　　2006年春節前，陳敏生收受他人給予的“感謝費”人民幣30萬元。2009年8月，揭陽市榕城區人民法院依法以受賄罪判處陳敏生有期徒刑四年。

Tag: Job | Jobs | 求職

補習-First flights

Last Thursday, February 5, 2009, President Obama took his first flights aboard Marine One and Air Force One, on his way to the House Democratic Issues Conference in Williamsburg, Virginia.

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT HOUSE DEMOCRATIC CAUCUS ISSUES CONFERENCE
Kingsmill Resort
Williamsburg, Virginia
February 5, 2009

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you, Democrats. (Applause.) Thank you. Please, everybody have a seat. Everybody have a seat. It is great to be here with so many friends. Thank you for giving me a reason to use Air Force One. (Laughter.) It's pretty nice. (Laughter.)

I'm glad to see the House Democratic Caucus is getting by just fine without my Chief of Staff. (Laughter.) I don't know how many of you were at the Alfalfa dinner, but I pointed out, you know, this whole myth of Rahm being this tough guy, mean, is just not true. At least once a week he spends time teaching profanity to underprivileged children. (Laughter and applause.) So he's got a soft spot.

I want to thank John Larson for inviting me here tonight. This is John's first conference as Chairman of the Democratic Caucus, so we're both new at this. John, congratulations. (Applause.)

I want to acknowledge the great Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi. (Applause.) She is our rock who's proven to be an extraordinary leader for the American people. And I want to thank Nancy and Steny Hoyer and Jim Clyburn, and the entire caucus -- (applause) -- Javier Becerra -- all the leadership working so hard, all the chairmen like David Obey, who've worked so hard in passing an economic recovery plan that is so desperately needed for our country. (Applause.)

All of you acted with a discipline that matches the urgency and the gravity of the crisis that we face. Because you know what's at stake. Every weekend you go home to your districts and you see factories that are closing and small businesses shutting their doors. You hear from families losing their homes; students that can't pay their tuition; seniors who are worrying about whether they can retire with dignity, or see their kids and grandkids lead a better life.

So you went to work, and you did your job. For that, you have my appreciation and admiration. And more importantly, you've got the American people's thanks, because they know it is time to get something done here in Washington. (Applause.)

As we meet here tonight, we know that there's more work to be done. The Senate is still acting. And after it has its final vote, we still need to resolve differences between the House and Senate bills. So we're going to still have to work, and I'm going to urge you to complete that work without delay. And I know that Nancy and Steny, all the rest of the leadership is committed to making that happen.

Now, I just want to say this -- I value the constructive criticism and the healthy debate that's taking place around this package, because that's the essence, the foundation of American democracy. That's how the founders set it up. They set it up to make big change hard. It wasn't supposed to be easy. That's part of the reason why we've got such a stable government, is because no one party, no one individual can simply dictate the terms of the debate. I don't think any of us have cornered the market on wisdom, or that do I believe that good ideas are the province of any party. The American people know that our challenges are great. They're not expecting Democratic solutions or Republican solutions -- they want American solutions. And I've said that same thing to the public, and I've said that, in a gesture of friendship and goodwill, to those who have disagreed with me on aspects of this plan.

But what I have also said is -- don't come to the table with the same tired arguments and worn ideas that helped to create this crisis. (Applause.) You know, all of us here -- imperfect. And everything we do and everything I do is subject to improvement. Michelle reminds me every day how imperfect I am. (Laughter.) So I welcome this debate. But come on, we're not -- we are not going to get relief by turning back to the very same policies that for the last eight years doubled the national debt and threw our economy into a tailspin. (Applause.)

We can't embrace the losing formula that says only tax cuts will work for every problem we face; that ignores critical challenges like our addiction to foreign oil, or the soaring cost of health care, or falling schools and crumbling bridges and roads and levees. I don't care whether you're driving a hybrid or an SUV -- if you're headed for a cliff, you've got to change direction. (Applause.) That's what the American people called for in November, and that's what we intend to deliver. (Applause.)

So the American people are watching. They did not send us here to get bogged down with the same old delay, the same old distractions, the same talking points, the same cable chatter. (Applause.) You know, aren't you all tired of that stuff?

AUDIENCE: Yes!

THE PRESIDENT: They did not vote for the false theories of the past, and they didn't vote for phony arguments and petty politics. They didn't vote for the status quo -- they sent us here to bring change. We owe it to them to deliver. This is the moment for leadership that matches the great test of our times. And I know you want to work with me to get there. (Applause.)

If we do not move swiftly to sign the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act into law, an economy that is already in crisis will be faced with catastrophe. This is not my assessment. This is not Nancy Pelosi's assessment. This is the assessment of the best economists in the country. This is the assessment of some of the former advisors of some of the same folks who are making these criticisms right now.

Millions more Americans will lose their jobs. Homes will be lost. Families will go without health care. Our crippling dependence on foreign oil will continue. That is the price of inaction.

This isn't some abstract debate. Last week, we learned that many of America's largest corporations already laid off thousands and are planning to lay off tens of thousands of more workers. Today, we learned that in the previous week, the number of new unemployment claims jumped to 626,000. Tomorrow, we're expecting another dismal jobs report, on top of the half a million jobs that were lost last month, on top of the half a million jobs that were lost the month before that, on top of the 2.6 million jobs that were lost last year.

For you, these aren't just statistics. This is not a game. This is not a contest for who's in power and who's up and who's down. These are your constituents. These are families you know and you care about. I believe that it is important for us to set aside some of the gamesmanship in this town and get something done. (Applause.)

Now, I believe -- I just want to repeat, because I don't want any confusion here. I believe that legislation of this enormous magnitude, that by necessity we are moving quickly -- we're not moving quickly because we're trying to jamb something down people's throats. We're moving quickly because we're told that if we don't move quickly, that the economy is going keep on getting worse, and we'll have another 2 or 3 or 4 million jobs loss this year.

I'd love to be leisurely about this. My staff is worn out, working around the clock. So is David Obey's staff. So is Nancy Pelosi's staff. We're not doing this because we think this is a lark. We're doing this because people are counting on us. So legislation of this magnitude deserves the scrutiny that it's received, and all of you will get another chance to vote for this bill in the days to come. But I urge all of us not to make the perfect the enemy of the absolutely necessary.

Understand the scale and the scope of this plan is right. And when you start hearing arguments on the cable chatter, just understand a couple of things. Number one, when they say, well, why are we spending $800 billion -- we've got this huge deficit? First of all, I found this deficit when I showed up. (Applause.) Number one. (Applause.) I found this national debt doubled, wrapped in a big bow waiting for me as I stepped into the Oval Office.

Number two, it is expected that we are going to lose about a trillion dollars worth of demand this year, a trillion dollars of demand next year because of the contraction in the economy. So the reason that this has to be big is to try to fill some of that lost demand. And as it is, there are many who think that we should be doing even more. (Applause.) So we are taking prudent steps.

But you talk to Ted Strickland and what's happening in Ohio, and you ask him whether they need some relief in terms of the unemployment insurance rates that are going sky-high, and him having to pick up all kinds of folks who are suddenly seeking food stamps who had been working all their lives -- and he'll tell you that this not something that we're just doing to grow government. We're doing this because this is what the best minds tell us needs to be done. That's point number one.

Point number two: When they start talking about, well, we need more tax cuts -- we started this package with a healthy amount of tax cuts in the mix, recognizing that some tax cuts can be very beneficial, particularly if they're going to middle class and working families that will spend that money. (Applause.) That's not me talking; that's the economists talking, who insisted that they're most likely to spend and get that money into circulation and stimulate the economy.

Now, in fact, when we announced the bill, you remember -- this is only about, what, two weeks ago? When we announced the framework -- and we were complimented by Republicans, saying, boy, this is a balanced package, we're pleasantly surprised. And suddenly, what was a balanced package needs to be put out of balance? Don't buy those arguments.

Then there's the argument, well, this is full of pet projects. When was the last time that we saw a bill of this magnitude move out with no earmarks in it? Not one. (Applause.) And when you start asking, well, what is it exactly that is such a problem that you're seeing, where's all this waste and spending? Well, you know, you want to replace the federal fleet with hybrid cars. Well, why wouldn't we want to do that? (Laughter.) That creates jobs for people who make those cars. It saves the federal government energy. It saves the taxpayers energy. (Applause.)

So then you get the argument, well, this is not a stimulus bill, this is a spending bill. What do you think a stimulus is? (Laughter and applause.) That's the whole point. No, seriously. (Laughter.) That's the point. (Applause.)

So -- I mean, I get carried away. (Laughter.) We've got to leave some time for questions and answers. Here's the point I'm making. This package is not going to be absolutely perfect, and you can nit and you can pick, and that's the game we all play here. We know how to play that game. What I'm saying is, now we can't afford to play that game. We've got to pull together.

There are going to be some things that don't get included that each of us would like to see included. All of us are going to have to make some sacrifices. And we have to accommodate the interests of a range of people. And the House is going to have to work with the Senate. But let's think big right now. Let's not think small. Let's not think narrowly.

Just as past generations of Americans have done in trying times, we can -- and must -- turn this moment of challenge into one of opportunity. The plan that you've passed has at its core a simple idea: Let's put Americans to work doing the work that America needs done. (Applause.)

This plan will save or create over three million jobs -- almost all of them in the private sector.

This plan will put people to work rebuilding our crumbling roads and bridges; our dangerously deficient dams and levees.

This plan will put people to work modernizing our health care system. That doesn't just save us billions of dollars, it saves countless lives, because we'll reduce medical errors. (Applause.)

This plan will put people to work renovating more than 10,000 schools -- (applause) -- giving millions of children the chance to learn in 21st century classrooms, and libraries and labs -- creating new scientists for a new future.

This plan will provide sensible tax relief for the struggling middle class, and unemployment insurance and continued health care coverage for those who've lost their jobs. And it will help prevent our states and local communities -- it will help Governor Ritter and Governor Strickland not have to lay off firefighters and teachers and police. Because when they get laid off, not only do we lose services, but maybe they can't make payments on their home. Maybe they get foreclosed on and the economy goes down further.

And finally, this plan will begin to end the tyranny of oil in our time -- doubles our capacity to generate alternative sources of energy, like wind and solar and biofuels. And it does it in three years; saves taxpayers billions of dollars; makes federal buildings more efficient; saves the average working family hundreds of dollars on their energy bills. After decades of empty rhetoric, that's the down payment that we need on energy independence.

You know, there's a lot about running for President that is tough -- especially I don't miss sleeping in motels and hotels, and I don't miss not being with my kids as much as I'd like. But the best thing about being a candidate -- and all of you know this because those members of Congress who are here, you've run, you know what it's like -- you get to see the country. You get to know the character of the American people. Over the last two years, I visited almost all 50 states. I've got to admit, the one I missed was Alaska. (Laughter.) We're going to get there. I've been in so many of your districts. I've passed through towns and cities farms and factories. And I know what you know -- people are hurting. I've looked in their eyes. I've heard their stories. I've sensed their deep frustration.

And they're just hoping that we're working for them. They're so strong and they're so decent, the American people, and those struggles haven't diminished that strength and that decency. We hold in our hands the capacity to do great things on their behalf. But we're going to have to do it by not thinking about ourselves, not thinking about how does this position me, how am I looking. We're going to have to just think about how are we delivering for them.

It starts with this economic recovery plan. And soon, we'll take on the big issues like addressing the foreclosure problem, by passing a budget, tackling our fiscal problems, fixing our financial regulation, securing our country. And we won't approach these challenges just as Democrats -- because we remember the look in the eyes of our constituents. We know even though they've been cynical, that they're thinking, maybe this time is going to be different. They know we've got to overcome all these problems as Americans. And that's why we have to work in a serious, substantive, and civil way, and we will keep working to build bipartisan support for action.

I promise you that my door is always open, and my administration will consult closely with each and every one of you -- the people's representatives -- as we take on these pressing priorities.

Already, you've made a difference. Nancy mentioned -- I'm so proud of that day that we signed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act -- (applause) -- to see Lilly Ledbetter on the stage, representing the American people, representing all the women out there who want their daughters to have the same opportunities as our sons. And then we signed Children's Health Insurance to provide coverage for 11 million, and make a down payment on comprehensive health care reform. (Applause.)

And it wasn't easy. You worked hard to make it happen, which means we can work hard to make sure that we've got jobs all across America, and energy independence all across America. And we will not stop until we deliver for our constituents. (Applause.)

That's what the Democratic Party is all about. That's what this caucus is all about. That's what my presidency is all about. (Applause.)

Thank you, guys. I love you. (Applause.) Thank you. (Applause.)

Tag: 補習

補習-First Anniversary of the American Equal Rights Association

In considering the question of suffrage, there are two starting points: one, that this right is a gift of society, in which certain men, having inherited this privilege from some abstract body and abstract place, have now the right to secure it for themselves and their privileged order to the end of time. This principle leads logically to governing races, classes, families; and, in direct antagonism to our idea of self-government, takes us back to monarchies despotisms, to a experiment that has been tried over and over again, 6,000 years, and uniformly failed. I do not hold my liberties, says Gratz Brown in the Senate of the United States, by any such tenure. On the contrary, I believe, whenever you establish that doctrine, whenever you crystallize that idea in the public mind of this country, you ring the death-knell of American liberties.

Ignoring this point of view as untenable and anti-republican, and taking the opposite, that suffrage is a natural rightas necessary to man under government, for the protection of person and property, as are air and motion to lifewe hold talisman by which to show the right of all classes to the ballot, to remove every obstacle, to answer every objection, to point out the tyranny of every qualification to the free exercise of this sacred right.

To discuss the question of suffrage for women and negroes, as women and negroes, and not as citizens of a republic, implies that there are some reasons for demanding this right for these classes that do not apply to white males.

The obstinate persistence with which fallacious and absurd objections are pressed against their enfranchisementas if they were anomalous beings, outside all human laws and necessitiesis most humiliating and insulting to every black man and woman who has one particle of healthy, high-toned self-respect. There are no special claims to propose for women and negroes, no new arguments to make in their behalf. The same already made to extend suffrage to all the white men in this country, the same John Bright makes for the working men of England, the same made for the enfranchisement of 22,000,000 Russian serfs, are all we have to make for black me and women. As the greater includes the less, an argument for universal suffrage covers the whole question, the rights of all citizens. In thus relaying the foundations of government, we settle all these side issues of race, color and sex, end all class legislation, and remove forever the fruitful cause of all the jealousies, dissensions and revolution of the past. This is the platform of the American Equal Rights Association. We are masters of the situation. Here black men and women are buried in the citizen. As in the war, freedom was the keynote of victory, so now is universal suffrage the keynote of reconstruction.

Negro suffrage may answer as a party cry for an effete political organization through another Presidential campaign; but the people of this country have a broader work on hand to-day than to save the Republican party, or, with some abolitionists, to settle the rights of races. The battles of the ages have been fought for races, classes, parties, over and over again, and force always carried the day, and will until we settle the higher, the holier question of individual rights. This is our American idea, and on a wise settlement of this question rests the problem whether our nation shall live or perish.

The principle of inequality in government has been thoroughly tried, and every nation based on that idea that has not already perished, clearly shows the seeds of death in its dissensions and decline. Though it has never been tried, we know an experiment on the basis of equality would be safe; for the laws in the world of morals are as immutable as in the world of matter. As the Astronomer Le Verrier discovered the planet that bears his name by a process of reason and calculation through the variations of other planets from known laws, so can the true statesman, through the telescope of justice, see the genuine republic of the future amid the ruins of the mighty nations that have passed away. The opportunity now given us to make the experiment of self-government should be regarded by every American citizen as a solemn and a sacred trust. When we remember that a nation's life and growth and immortality depend on its legislation, can we exalt too highly the dignity and responsibility of the ballot, the science of political economy, the sphere of government? Statesmanship is, of all sciences, the most exalted and comprehensive, for it includes all others. Among men we find those who study the laws of national life more liberal and enlightened on all subjects than those who confine their researchers in special directions. When we base nations on justice and equality, we lift government out of the mists of speculation into the dignity of a fixed science. Everything short of this is trick, legerdemain, sleight of hand. Magicians may make nations seem to live, but they do not. The Newtons of our day who should try to make apples stand in the air or men walk on the wall, would be no more puerile in their experiments than are they who build nations outside of law, on the basis of inequality.

What thinking man can talk of coming down into the arena of politics? If we need purity, honor, self-sacrifice and devotion anywhere, we need them in those who have in their keeping the life and prosperity of a nation. In the enfranchisement of woman, in lifting her up into this broader sphere, we see for her new honor and dignity, more liberal, exalted and enlightened views of life, its objects, ends and aims, and an entire revolution in the new world of interest and action where she is soon to play her part. And in saying this, I do not claim that woman is better than man, but that the sexes have a civilizing power on each other. The distinguished historian, Henry Thomas Buckle, says:

The turn of thought of woman, their habits of mind, their conversation, invariably extending over the whole surface of society, and frequently penetrating its intimate structure, have, more than all other things put together, tended to rise us into an ideal world, and lift us from the dust into which we are too prone to grovel.

And this will be her influence in exalting and purifying the world of politics. When woman understands the momentous interests that depend on the ballot, she will make it her first duty to educate every American boy and girl into the idea that to vote is the most sacred act of citizenshipa religious duty not to be discharged thoughtlessly, selfishly or corruptly; but conscientiously, remembering that, in a republican government, to every citizen is entrusted the interests of the nation. Would you fully estimate the responsibility of the ballot, think of it as the great regulation power of a continent, of all our interests, political, commercial, religious, educational, social and sanitary!

To many minds, this claim for the ballot suggests nothing more than a rough polling-booth where coarse, drunken men, elbowing each other, wade knee-deep in mud to drop a little piece of paper two inches long into a boxsimply this and nothing more. The poet Wordsworth, showing the blank materialism of those who see only with their outward eyes, says of his Peter Bell:

A primrose on the river's brink

A yellow primrose was to him,

And it was nothing more.

So our political Peter Bells see the rough polling-booth, in this great right of citizenship, and nothing more. In this act, so lightly esteemed by the mere materialist, behold the realization of that great idea struggled for in the ages and proclaimed by the Fathers, the right of self-government. That little piece of paper dropped into a box is the symbol of equality, of citizenship, of wealth, virtue, education, self-protection, dignity, independence and powerthe mightiest engine yet placed in the hand of man for the uprooting of ignorance, tyranny, superstition, the overturning of thrones, altars, kings, popes, despotisms, monarchies and empires. What phantom can the sons of the Pilgrims, be chasing, when they make merchandise of a power like this? Judas Iscariot, selling his Master for thirty pieces of silver, is a fit type of those American citizens who sell their votes, and thus betray the right of self-government. Talk not of the muddy pool of politics, as if such things must need be. Behold, with the coming of woman into this higher sphere of influence, the dawn of the new day, when politics, so called, are to be lifted into the world of morals and religion; when the polling-booth shall be a beautiful temple, surrounded by fountains and flowers and triumphal arches, through which young men and maidens shall go up in joyful procession to ballot for justice and freedom; and when our elections shall be like the holy feasts of the Jews at Jerusalem. Through the trials of this second revolution shall not our nation rise up, with new virtue and strength, to fulfill her mission in leading all the peoples of the earth to the only solid foundation of government, equal rights to all? What an inheritance is ours! What boundless resources for wealth, happiness and development! With every variety of climate and production, with our mighty lakes and rivers majestic forests and inexhaustible mines, nothing can check our future prosperity but a lack of virtue in the people. Let us not, like the foolish prodigal, waste our substance in riotous living, and, through ease, luxury and corruption, check the onward march of this western civilization. Our danger lies, not in the direction of despotism, in the one-man power, in centralization; but in the corruption of the people. Is it not enough to fill any true patriot with apprehension, to read the accounts in our daily journals of the wholesale bribery that unblushingly shows itself everywhere? It is not the poor, unlettered foreigner alone who sells his vote; but native-born American citizens, congressmen, senators, judges, jurors, white males who own $250 worth of real estate and can read the Constitution. It is not in Wall street alone that men gamble in stocks; but our State and National Capitolseven our courts of justiceare made houses of merchandise. Women of the Republic, what say you for your son? What say our legislators for themselves?they who claim to represent their mothers, wives and daughters to have their lives, liberty and happiness in their keeping. There is something rotten in Denmark. Ralph Waldo Emerson says, men are what their mothers made them. The fountain rises no higher than its source. The art, the stratagem, the duplicity, the sham of our social life is all repeated in our legislation. Give a man a right over my subsistence, says Alexander Hamilton, and he has a right over my whole moral being. When any class lives by favors, rather than honorable, profitable labor; when shelter, food and clothes are to be wheedled out of a privileged order, life is necessarily based on chicanery, degradation and dishonor. In woman's aimless, dependent education, her noblest aspiration, her holiest sentiments, are perverted or sacrificed. She has but one object in life, and that one is desecrated, compelled as she is, in ease and luxury, to marry for a position, a palace, equipage, silks and diamonds, or, in poverty and isolation, for bread and a home. With marriages of interest, convenience, necessity, the very fountains of life are poisoned. This first false step in our social life can only be remedied by making woman independent, and profitable labor honorable for all. Educate girls for all the avocations of life. Teach them to scorn, as the boy does, to live on the bounty of another. Virtue and independence go hand in hand. If you would have the future men of this nation do justice and walk uprightly, remove every barrier in the way of woman's elevation, that she, too, with honor and dignity on her brow, may stand self-poised, above fear, want or temptation.

Never, until woman is an independent, self-sustaining force in society, can she take her true, exalted position as the mother, the educator of the race. Never, as a dependent on his wish, his will, his bounty to be sheltered, fed and clothed, will man recognize in woman an equal moral power in the universe of mind. The same principle that governed plantation life, governs the home. The master could quote law and gospel for his authority over the slave, so can the husband still. You see man's idea of women true position in his codes and creeds. His commentaries on Blackstone and the Bible alike place her sub potestate viri; under the power of man. The mass of both men and women really believe this to be the Heaven-ordained status of a Christian wife. Hence we have, in the home as on the plantation, ruler and subject on one side, purse, power and rights on the otherfavors or wrongs, according to the character of the divinely-appointed head, But fair, equal-handed justice can never be found where the rights of one class are at the mercy of another. The black man, as a slave, was compelled to lie and cheat and steal. All he got was by his wits; he had no rights which any one was bound to respect. He had nothing to hope for, nothing to gain; hence food and clothes were more to him than principles. But that chain is broken; he is free, holds the ballot, lives on his own earnings. With responsibility come honesty, honor, dignity; and to-day Gov. Orr reasons with him as a man, and gives him dissertations on the policy of fair-dealing with white men. But, if a woman corners her husband in fair debate, shows him that her plan of action in any direction is better than his, he flies into a passion, declares there is no reasoning with a woman, and, from sheer will, thwarts the end she desires. Thus she is driven to cunning and management to get what is denied as her right. Shut up to a life of folly, fashion and dependence, with no means of her own to gratify her taste or vanity, she would be a dull scholar not to learn the wisdom of having no opinion, will or wish opposed to him who carries the purse. She has no purse of her own, so she makes bills at the milliner's, the dress-maker's, the fancy store, the restaurant which she cannot pay. She staves off their claims as long as possible; but at last the awful moment comes, and the bills are sent to her husband. He raises a tempest at home, refuses to pay, is sued, and is laughed at in court as some malicious lawyer slowly reads over the articles of his wife's wardrobe and how many times she ate ice-cream or oysters in one week, all of which is published to the world the next day. And this is the beautiful, refined seclusion where the feminine element is supposed to be most favorably developed; from which the liberal pulpit even fears to transplant woman to the world of work, where she may become honest and independent. Under such circumstances, how can woman base her everyday life on principle? False to herself, how can she be true to others? So long as she is petty, servile, tricky, how can her sons be magnanimous, noble and just?

And this is the home influence of which we hear so muchthe great normal-school of legislators, senators and presidents. Here are your boasted mothers, the women who govern the world, without enough force or dignity or principle to stand upright themselves. The family, that great conservator of national strength and moralshow can you cement its ties but by the virtue and independence of both man and woman? If one-half we hear of the bribery and corruption of our day be true, and we are responsible for this state of things, we must confess that women has made a most lamentable failure in governing the world for the last six thousand years by the magic power of influence. If this be indeed her work, and if, in fact, as all philosophers tell us, woman does govern the world, it behooves her now to demand a fitting education for so responsible a position, that she may understand the science of life, and make a new experiment in government with the direct power of the ballot-box; that, by an intelligent use of the franchise, she may so change the conditions of life as to lift the race on a higher platform that she could ever do by tact, cunning or management. The effect of concentrating all woman's thoughts and interests in home-life, intensifies her selfishness and narrows her ideas in every direction; hence she is arbitrary in her views of government, bigoted in religion, and exclusive in society. She is the ignorant, the conservative element, the staunch supporter everywhere of the aristocratic idea. Look at the log line of equipages and liveried servants in Fifth Avenue and Central Park, the pageant composed chiefly of women. Think of stalwart men, dressed up like monkeys, perched on the back seat of a carriage for ornament. A coat of arms and livery belong legitimately to countries that boast an order of nobility, an established church, a law of primogeniturewhere families live through centuries; but here, where the follow chandler of yesterday lives in a palace to-day, they are out of place. What a spectacle for us who proclaimed the glorious doctrine of equality a century ago, to be imitating the sham and tinsel of the effete civilizations of the Old Worlddegrading the dignity and majesty of the idea on which our government is based!

Now men in political life cannot afford to do these things. They always have the ballot-box, that great leveller, before their eyes. They keep their kid gloves in their pockets, shake hands all round, and act as if they believed all men equal, especially about election time. This practice they have in the right direction, does in time mold them a new into broader, more liberal views than the women by their side. When our fashionable, educated women vote, there will be an enthusiasm thrown round our republican idea such as we have never realized before. It is in vain to look for a genuine republic in this country until the women are baptized into the idea, until they understand the genius of our institutions, until they study the science of government, until they hold the ballot in their hands and have a direct voice in our legislation. What is the reason, with the argument in favor of the enfranchisement of women all on one side, without an opponent worthy of considerationwhile British statesmen, even, are discussing this questionthat Northern men are so dumb and dogged, manifesting a studied indifference to what they can either answer nor prevent? What is the reason that even abolitionists who have fearlessly claimed political, religious and social equality for woman for the last twenty years, should now, with bated breath, give her but a passing word in their public speeches and editorial commentsas if her rights constituted but a side issue in this grave question of reconstruction? All must see that this claim for male-hood suffrage is but another experiment in class legislation, another violation of the republican idea. With the black man we have no new elements in government; but with the education and elevation of woman we have a power that is to galvanize the Saxon race into a higher and nobler life, and thus, by the law of attraction, to lift all races to a more even platform than can ever be reached in the political isolation of the sexes. Why ignore 15,000,000 women in the reconstruction? The philosophy of this silence is plain enough. The black man crowned with the rights of citizenship, there are no political Ishmaelites left but the women. This is the last stronghold of aristocracy in the country. Sydney Smith says: There always has been, and always will be, a class of men in the world so small that, if women were educated, there would be nothing left below them.

It is consolation to the white male, to the popinjays in all our seminaries of learning, to the ignorant foreigner, the boot-black and barber, the idiotfor a white male may vote if he be not more than nine-tenths a foolto look down on women of wealth and education, who write books, make speeches, and discuss principles with the savans of their age. It is a consolation for these classes to be able to say, well, if women can do these things, they can't vote, after all. I heard some boys discoursing thus not long since. I told them they reminded me of a story I heard of two Irishmen the first time they saw a locomotive with a train of cars. As the majestic fire-horse, with all its grace and polish, moved up to a station, stopped, and snorted, as its mighty power was curbed, then slowly gathered up its forces again and moved swiftly onbe jabers, says Pat, there's muscle for you. What are we beside that giant? They watched it intently till out of sight, seemingly with real envy, as if oppressed with a feeling of weakness and poverty before this unknown power; but rallying at last, one says to the other: No matter, Pat; let it snort and dash onit can't vote, after all.

Poor human nature wants something to look down on. No privileged order ever did see the wrongs of its own victims, and why expect the white male citizen to enfranchise woman without a struggleby a scratch of the pen to place themselves on a dead level with their lowest order? And what a fall would that be, any countrymen. In none of the nations of modern Europe is there a class of women so degraded politically as are the women of these Northern States. In the Old World, where the government is the aristocracy, where it is considered a mark of nobility to share its offices and powersthese women of rank have certain hereditary rights which raise them above a majority of the men, certain honors and privileges not granted to serfs or peasants. In England woman may be Queen, hold office, vote on some questions.

In the southern States even the women were not degraded below their working population, they were not humiliated in seeing their coachmen, gardeners and waiters go to the polls to legislate on their interests; hence there was a pride and dignity in their bearing not found in the women of the North, and a pluck in the chivalry before which northern doughfaceism has ever cowered. But here, where the ruling class, the aristocracy, is male, no matter whether washed or unwashed, lettered or unlettered, rich or poor, black or white, here in this boasted northern civilization, under the shadow of Bunker Hill and Faneuil Hall, which Mr. Phillips proposes to cram down the throat of South Carolinahere women of wealth and education, who pay taxes and are amenable to law, who may be hung, even though not permitted to choose the judge, the juror, or the sheriff who does the dismal deed, women who are your peers in art, science and literaturealready close upon your heels in the whole world of thoughtare thrust outside the pale of political consideration with traitors, idiots, minors, with those guilty of bribery, larceny and infamous crime. What a category is this in which to place your mothers, wives and daughters. I ask you, men of the Empire State, where on the footstool do you find such a class of citizens politically so degraded? Now, we ask you, in the coming Constitutional Convention, to so amend the Second Article of our State Constitution as to wipe out this record of our disgrace.

But, say you, women themselves do not make the demand. Mr. Phillips said on this platform, a year ago, that the singularity of this cause is, that it has to be carried on against the wishes and purposes of its victims, and he has been echoed by nearly every man who has spoken on this subject during the past year. Suppose the assertion true, is it a peculiarity of this reform?

We established free schools opposed to the will and wishes of the children playing in the sunshine on the highway. We press temperance, opposed to the will and wishes of drunkards and rumsellers. It has always been opposed to the will and wishes of working men that inventors should apply machinery to labor, and thus lift the burdens of life from the shoulders of the race. Ignorant classes have always resisted innovations. Women looked on the sewing-machine as a rival for a long time. Years ago the laboring classes of England asked bread; but the Cobdens, the Brights, the Gladstones, the Mills have taught them there is a power behind bread, and to-day they ask the ballot. But they were taught its power first, and so must woman be. Again, do not those far-seeing philosophers who comprehend the wisdom, the beneficence, the morality of free trade urge this law of nations against the will and wishes of the victims of tariffs and protective duties? If you can prove to us that women do not wish to vote, that is no argument against our demand. There are many duties in life that ignorant, selfish, unthinking women do not desire to do, and this may be one of them.

But, says a distinguished Unitarian clergyman, in a recent sermon on this subject, they who first assume political responsibilities must necessarily lose something of the feminine element. In the education and elevation of woman we are yet to learn the true manhood and womanhood, the true masculine and feminine elements. Dio Lewis is rapidly changing our ideas of feminine beauty. In the large waists and strong arms of the girls under his training, some dilettante gentleman may mourn a loss of feminine delicacy. So in the wise, virtuous, self-supporting, common-sense women we propose as the mothers of the future republic, the reverend gentleman may see a lack of what he considers the feminine element. In the development of sufficient moral force to entrench herself on principle, need a woman necessarily lose any grace, dignity or perfection of character? Are not those who have advocated the rights of women in this country for the last twenty years as delicate and refined, as moral, high-toned, educated, just and generous as any women in the land? I have seen women in many countries and classes, in public and private; but have found none more pure and noble than those I meet on this platform. I have seen our venerable President in converse with the highest of English mobility, and even the Duchess of Sutherland did not eclipse her in grace, dignity and conversational power. Where are there any women, as wives and mothers, more beautiful in their home life than Lucretia Mott and Lucy Stone, or Antoinette Brown Blackwell? Let the freedman of the South Sea Islands testify to the faithfulness, the devotion, the patience and tender mercy of Frances D. Gage, who watched over their interests, teaching them to read and work for two long years. Some on our platform have struggled with hardship and povertybeen slaves even in the land of the free and the home of the brave, and bear the scars of life's battle. But is a self-made woman less honorable than a self-made man? Answer our arguments. When the Republic is in danger, no matter for our manners. When our soldiers came back from the war, wan, weary, and worn, maimed, halt, blind, wrinkled and decrepittheir banners torn, their garments stained with bloodwho, with a soul to feel, thought of anything but the glorious work they had done? What if their mothers on this platform be angular, old, wrinkled and gray? They, too, have fought a good fight for freedom, and proudly bear the scars of the battle. We alone have struck the key-note of reconstruction. While man talks of equal, impartial, manhood suffrage, we give the certain sound, universal suffrage. While he talks of the rights of races, we exalt the higher, the holier idea proclaimed by the Fathers, and now twice baptized in blood, individual rights. To woman it is given to save the Republic. You have seen, no doubt, an engraving of that beautiful conception of the artist, Beatrice and Dante. On a slight elevation stands the ideal woman, her whole attitude expressive of conscious power and dignity. Erect, self-poised, she gazes into the heavens as if to draw inspiration and life from the great soul of truth.

The man, on a lower plane, looks up with admiration and reverence, with a chaste and holy love; and thus the poet tells us, by the law of attraction woman leads man upward and onward, even through the hells, to heaven. I have sometimes thought, in gazing on this picture, that it was suggestive of what might be our future position. But, for this stage of civilization, I would draw a line half way between our poets and law-makersbetween Dante and Blackstoneand place woman neither at man's feet nor above his head,
but on an even platform by his side.

Tag: 補習

補習-Fireworks（讀者自創詩歌）

Beautiful angel from the dark, dark sky,

I don't want to ask Why, Why?

Why so far and so high?

Why so unfair?

Spark, Spark

Dispear in the bule, blue paradise.

Fire, fire the mother of mine,

Born me bravery and power to shine.

Lightning day and night,

Blink like your black eye.

Twinkle, Twinkle

Gone from the heart of mine.

Forget, forget never come to I.

Happy memories like flowers blooming in white.

Colorful life with saying Hi instead of Bye.

Give me wings to fly.

Die, Die

New dreams arise,

And always smile.

煙花（作者自譯）

黑夜里美麗的天使。
我不想問你為何？
為何離我那么高遠？
為何，為何如此不公？
閃爍，閃爍
消失在藍色的天國。

火焰，火焰我的母親，
是您，賦予了我閃耀的勇氣和力量。
燃燃閃爍在白天和黑夜，
就像您一眨一眨的黑眸。
閃爍，閃爍
從我的內心飄落~。

忘記，忘記，永遠不再來。
歡樂的回憶如同盛開的花兒凄白。
絢麗的煙火，
多彩的生活。
給我一雙翅膀,
帶我去飛翔!
凋零，凋零
卻又重燃起新的夢想。
一路，微笑永遠。

你看你看，絢麗的火焰，就是一個一個小小的心愿。

你看你看，小小的心愿，曾經美麗的誓言。

你看你看，美麗的誓言，曾經都是愛情的孽緣。

煙花為你綻放，是否可以擁有美麗的翅膀？

一切的一切都隨七彩的煙花而去吧。

曾經瞬間的美麗綻放注定了他很快就消失不見。

作者簡介：
杜彩新，女，內蒙古人，現在北京工作。

創作靈感：

這個小詩是在我看了我一個朋友的博客的文字之后，回想起大三那年我在海邊看的那場煙花而寫的。

我是個喜歡回憶的人。我在大三那年和男朋友分手了，就在分手那一年，我們學校前面的海邊放了很久的煙花。那個寫博客的朋友也很喜歡煙花，因為某些原因也和男朋友分手了。男朋友想挽回，可是已經不可能了。我們都沉浸在痛苦的回憶中。所以寫這個小詩歌是希望我們身處痛苦回憶的人能夠找到自己真正的夢想，忘記不快和憂傷，勇敢的面對。

詩歌中第一段煙花代表了過去美好的往事。雖然有很多美麗，卻是瞬間就消失不見的。猶如不成熟的愛情。

詩歌第二段中的火焰，代表了親人和朋友。正是在親人和朋友的幫助和關心下我才有了戰勝自己的勇氣。

第三段是將美好的東西封存。不要總活在回憶里。要燃起新的生活夢想，并且樂觀的面對。

整個詩歌表達的意思是，我們應該擁有新的夢想，不能總是沉浸在過去的回憶中。樂觀積極的對待生活，這才是人生的真諦。

Beautiful angel from the dark, dark sky,

I don't want to ask Why, Why?

Why so far and so high?

Why so unfair?

Spark, Spark

Dispear in the bule, blue paradise.

Fire, fire the mother of mine,

Born me bravery and power to shine.

Lightning day and night,

Blink like your black eye.

Twinkle, Twinkle

Gone from the heart of mine.

Forget, forget never come to I.

Happy memories like flowers blooming in white.

Colorful life with saying Hi instead of Bye.

Give me wings to fly.

Die, Die

New dreams arise,

And always smile.

煙花（作者自譯）

黑夜里美麗的天使。
我不想問你為何？
為何離我那么高遠？
為何，為何如此不公？
閃爍，閃爍
消失在藍色的天國。

火焰，火焰我的母親，
是您，賦予了我閃耀的勇氣和力量。
燃燃閃爍在白天和黑夜，
就像您一眨一眨的黑眸。
閃爍，閃爍
從我的內心飄落~。

你看你看，絢麗的火焰，就是一個一個小小的心愿。

你看你看，小小的心愿，曾經美麗的誓言。

你看你看，美麗的誓言，曾經都是愛情的孽緣。

煙花為你綻放，是否可以擁有美麗的翅膀？

一切的一切都隨七彩的煙花而去吧。

曾經瞬間的美麗綻放注定了他很快就消失不見。

作者簡介：
杜彩新，女，內蒙古人，現在北京工作。

創作靈感：

這個小詩是在我看了我一個朋友的博客的文字之后，回想起大三那年我在海邊看的那場煙花而寫的。

詩歌中第一段煙花代表了過去美好的往事。雖然有很多美麗，卻是瞬間就消失不見的。猶如不成熟的愛情。

詩歌第二段中的火焰，代表了親人和朋友。正是在親人和朋友的幫助和關心下我才有了戰勝自己的勇氣。

第三段是將美好的東西封存。不要總活在回憶里。要燃起新的生活夢想，并且樂觀的面對。

整個詩歌表達的意思是，我們應該擁有新的夢想，不能總是沉浸在過去的回憶中。樂觀積極的對待生活，這才是人生的真諦。

Tag: 補習

補習-Final pep-talk speech by General George S Patton

Men, this stuff some sources sling around about America wanting to stay out of the war and not wanting to fight is a lot of baloney! Americans love to fight, traditionally. All real Americans love the sting and clash of battle. America loves a winner. America will not tolerate a loser. Americans despise a coward; Americans play to win. That's why America has never lost and never will lose a war.
You are not all going to die. Only two percent of you, right here today, would be killed in a major battle.
Death must not be feared. Death, in time, comes to all of us. And every man is scared in his first action. If he says he's not, he's a goddamn liar. Some men are cowards, yes, but they fight just the same, or get the hell slammed out of them.
The real hero is the man who fights even though he's scared. Some get over their fright in a minute, under fire; others take an hour; for some it takes days; but a real man will never let the fear of death overpower his honour, his sense of duty, to his country and to his manhood.
All through your Army careers, you've been bitching about what you call chicken-shit drills. That, like everything else in the Army, has a definite purpose. That purpose is instant obedience to orders and to create and maintain constant alertness! This must be bred into every soldier. A man must be alert all the time if he expects to stay alive. If not, some German son-of-a-bitch will sneak up behind him with a sock full of shit! There are four hundred neatly marked graves somewhere in Sicily, all because one man went to sleep on his job - but they are German graves, because we caught the bastards asleep!
An Army is a team, lives, sleeps, fights, and eats as a team. This individual hero stuff is a lot of horse shit! The bilious bastards who write that kind of stuff for the Saturday Evening Post don't know any more about real fighting under fire than they know about fucking! Every single man in the Army plays a vital role. Every man has his job to do and must do it. What if every truck driver decided that he didn't like the whine of a shell overhead, turned yellow and jumped headlong into a ditch? What if every man thought, They won't miss me, just one in millions? Where in Hell would we be now? Where would our country, our loved ones, our homes, even the world, be?
No, thank God, Americans don't think like that. Every man does his job, serves the whole. Ordnance men supply and maintain the guns and vast machinery of this war, to keep us rolling. Quartermasters bring up clothes and food, for where we're going, there isn't a hell of a lot to steal. Every last man on K.P. has a job to do, even the guy who boils the water to keep us from getting the G.I. shits!
Remember, men, you don't know I'm here. No mention of that is to be made in any letters. The USA is supposed to be wondering what the hell has happened to me. I'm not supposed to be commanding this Army, I'm not supposed even to be in England. Let the first bastards to find out be the goddamn Germans. I want them to look up and howl, Ach, it's the goddamn Third Army and that son-of-a-bitch Patton again!
We want to get this thing over and get the hell out of here, and get at those purple-pissin' Japs!!! The shortest road home is through Berlin and Tokyo! We'll win this war, but we'll win it only by showing the enemy we have more guts than they have or ever will have!
There's one great thing you men can say when it's all over and you're home once more. You can thank God that twenty years from now, when you're sitting around the fireside with your grandson on your knee and he asks you what you did in the war, you won't have to shift him to the other knee, cough, and say, I shovelled shit in Louisiana.

Tag: 補習

補習-First Inaugural Address speech by Ronald Reagan Washington D

To a few of us here today this is a solemn and most momentous occasion. And yet, in the history of our nation, it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place, as it has for almost two centuries, and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every four-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.
The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.
Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery, and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labour by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.
But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.
You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but only for a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we're not bound by the same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding - we are going to begin to act, beginning today.
The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we've had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.
In the present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.
It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the states or to the people.
If we look to the answer as to why for so many years we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here in this land we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on earth.
It is time for us to realize that we're too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we're in the right place at the right time when there are no heroes, they just don't know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.
They're individuals and families whose taxes support the government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.
Now, I have used these words they and their in speaking of these heroes. I could say you and your, because I'm addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes and the goals of this administration, so help me God...
It is time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles there will be no compromise.
No arsenal or no weapon in the arsenals of the world is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have. It is a weapon that we as Americans do have. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbours.
This is the first time in our history that this ceremony has been held, as you've been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.
Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore, the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery, with its row upon row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.
Each one of those markers is monument to the kind of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, the Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno, and half-way around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.
The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that...so many thousands of others were called upon to make.
It does require, however, our best effort and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds, and to believe that together with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.
And after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.
God bless you and thank you.

Tag: 補習

3D電視下半年普及 3年內銷量將暴增？

www.4imarketing.com.hk

彩電上半年的銷售增速明顯較去年下半年放緩，這讓企業更希望借3D來刺激市場。日前，中國3D電視技術暨產業發展論壇召開，奧維發布預測數據，三年內國內3D電視銷量為2.92萬、192萬和476萬臺，增速大幅提升，從下半年開始將進入快速普及發展期。與會專家甚至提出樂觀的預計，3D電視1-2年內迅速實現普及。

2010年是3D電視啟動元年，盡管企業高調參與，但是市場上著力推廣的主要是長虹、三星，LG、索尼等少數幾家企業。電子商會數據顯示，3D電視消費者預期購買率與認知度反差大，只有20.3%的消費者有購買3D電視的想法。這樣的結果令企業不得不再加一把柴。

相關閱讀：優勢凸顯 3D電視或將加速普及 3D電視日本銷售慘淡：僅占平板電視銷量1%
很潮很好看 3D電視卻為何叫好不叫座？3D如何實現？3D電視立體成像原理分析

長虹公司常務副總、多媒體董事長林茂祥在論壇上表示，長虹40%以上中高端等離子電視8月起至明年上半年逐步切換到3D歐寶麗等離子電視。而針對價格問題，長虹提出了3D價格2D化的策略，大幅拉低產品價格。按照上半年長虹發布3D新品時的數據，3D與同等規格非3D產品的價格差距在三成左右。另一方面，3D電視產業標準制定工作也在進展中。

無論如何，下半年3D關注度顯然會更高。松下和夏普都將今秋推出3D電視，夏普方面透露，計劃未來3D電視在夏普總體銷售中占比提高5%-10%。松下還計劃推出可以拍攝3D影像的家用3D攝像機。而三星基本上每周在全國各個城市舉辦3D電視的推廣。

根據奧維的預測，2010年，國內3D電視的零售量為2.92萬臺，2011年達到192.68萬臺，2012年增長到475.99萬臺;而對應的產品滲透率為0.08%、5.01%和11.34%。

3D電視市場遭遇瓶頸價格健康成為主因

www.4imarketing.com.hk

3D科幻《阿凡達》創造了一股3D熱潮。但是從市場的反應來看，紅紅火火的3D電視市場，似乎只是虛假繁榮，作為未來的大趨勢，發展尚需一步一步地走。從目前的市場反響來看，觀看的舒適性、價格成本等仍存在很大問題。

3D電視市場正在逐漸升溫。LG、索尼、夏普、三星、TCL等中外家電品牌不僅紛紛主推大尺寸快門式3D電視新品，優惠手段更是誘人。然而與廠商推廣之火熱相反，消費者依然對現在市場中主打的快門式3D電視會導致觀看時頭暈眼痛等現象有很大顧慮，絕大多數只是保持觀望。

不僅有來自賣場的反饋，隨著3D電視漸漸興起，也出現了一些專業人士對其技術的質疑。某知名家電品牌不久前曾發布警示，提醒觀眾看3D電視會有一定的健康風險。在最近的3D電視調查報告中顯示，在已經購買3D電視的人群中，對眼鏡的不滿意提及率較高，被認為是造成頭暈、惡心等健康問題的主要原因之一。目前市場主推的快門式3D技術，其一張一合的成像原理不僅使畫面出現頻頻閃爍的現象，而且內置電池的結構也不夠輕便，還需要經常更換電視或充電，是既不舒適也不方便。

而3D電視遇冷，在健康問題之外，觀看成本高居不下是讓消費者望而卻步另一原因。目前，消費者要想觀看3D影片，除了3D液晶電視本身之外，還需要3D眼鏡、3D播放機、3D片源等配套設備。而這些配到設備成本將近幾千。

一些業內人士將2010年定義為3D電視元年，電視廠商都從這樣的趨勢中嗅出了巨大的商機，熱炒3D電視新概念，迅速推進市場。在快速發展的同時，3D電視本身還存在大量的問題。只有盡快解決成本、健康等多個難題，3D電視才能進入千萬家庭之中。

相關閱讀：4-9月日本國內3D電視出貨量達13.1萬臺
彩電商剃頭挑子一頭熱3D電視前景難卜
調查數據顯示：3D電視推出市場反應冷漠
3D電視市場反應冷漠日韓品牌悲喜兩重天

3D電視市場反應冷漠日韓品牌悲喜兩重天

www.4imarketing.com.hk

雖然前不久工信部已就3D電視標準展開布局，并著手制訂相關標準在，而且各大廠商都表現積極，力推3D電視，但從市場的表現上看，消費者處在看多買少的觀望階段。

國慶節期間，記者走訪了北京的幾家賣場，發現與液晶電視的銷售火爆相比，3D電視卻少有人問津，3D電視觀看成本高、片源少仍是銷售瓶頸。據國美電器工作人員向記者介紹，目前3D電視在全國的銷售占比約為5%，數量還是不多，十一期間銷量比較大的還是LED電視。

據國美工作人員介紹，目前三星、LG、索尼、夏普、長虹、創維、海信、TCL等品牌的3D電視在賣場都有銷售，從十一期間的銷售數據看，合資品牌的賣得較好，因為買3D的消費者，基本還是不缺錢的嘗鮮者。在合資品牌中，以三星為主的韓國品牌銷售情況要明顯優于日本品牌，雖然索尼、松下、夏普等日企也趕在國慶節前推出了3D電視，但出貨量很小，而且3D電視只在國美電器少數幾家分店有售。像索尼等品牌的3D的供貨量比較謹慎，遠沒到量產的境界。

雖然3D電視的銷售暫時還不是十分理想，不過這并不意味著3D電視就沒有發展的前。業內人士表示，隨著成本的降低，觀看內容的多樣性以及技術的革新，在接下來的幾年內3D電視的出貨量將有一個大的提升，只是讓市場完全接受3D電視仍需要時間。

3D電視日本銷售慘淡：僅占平板電視銷量1%

www.4imarketing.com.hk

日本幾大電器廠商正在2010年是3D電視元年的聲浪中加緊開發、出售最新技術的3D電視。

一部美國3D電影《阿凡達》帶給全球觀眾強烈的視覺沖擊，松下、索尼、夏普、東芝等日本電視廠商從中嗅出了巨大的商機，立即趁著這輪3D熱大炒3D電視新概念，并快速實現了從研發、生產到推廣、銷售的連串動作。

相關閱讀：優勢明顯 3D電視下半年進入普及期很潮很好看 3D電視卻為何叫好不叫座？
3D如何實現？3D電視立體成像原理分析彩電升級互聯網電視和3D電視成市場新寵

日本國內四大電器巨頭現已全數涉足3D電視領域。松下公司在4月的銷售中拔得頭籌，率先推出3D電視。索尼公司6月即緊隨其后。7月30日，夏普公司開始發售3D電視機。東芝公司7月28日已宣布，8種型號的高級薄型3D電視8月下旬起將陸續上市。

伴隨著3D電視熱，3D錄像機等多種周邊產品也正相繼問世。

但與電器巨頭們巨大的生產、銷售熱潮相對應的是，即使是最熱衷時尚的日本消費者也反應冷淡。

從至今為止的銷售量上來看，3D電視僅占據了薄板電視銷量的1%左右。據市場調查公司BCN的統計，6月日本市場3D電視的占有率僅為0.8%，7月第三周的這一數據也只有1.4%。

慘淡的銷售業績令各大廠商大跌了一回3D眼鏡。

目前，3D電視普及的瓶頸在于與之相對應的影視光碟資源不足。此外，價格高昂也是一般消費者還難以接受的原因之一。以40英寸3D電視為例，它比同尺寸普通電視的價格要高出70%左右。

但日本各大商家信心未減，一致認為此番對3D電視的推出絕不會成為一時性的短暫潮流。當然，他們也承認，使用專用眼鏡的3D電視要想實現普及，確實難度不小有多少消費者愿意吃飯、喝茶之際看電視時必須帶著一副立體眼鏡呢？

為破解這個難題，東芝公司近期開發出一款21英寸無需眼鏡即可觀看3D影像的顯示器，目前正處在測試階段，還沒有成品銷售。開發商表示，此類產品今后將主要運用到廣告、娛樂設施方面，如街頭的廣告電視屏、游戲廳的游戲機里面。至于能否普及到普通家庭，還真是個未知數。

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2010年11月10日星期三

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海臺灣海峽等部分海域有大風

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海臺灣海峽部分海域將出6-7級西北風

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海南海臺灣海峽等海域將有大風

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海南海等局部將有5～7級風

迷你倉-渤海黃海東海臺灣海峽有5-7級大風

廣東省市公務員考試報名結束 2750人競6崗位

廣東企業對應屆生需求升溫 畢業生起薪看漲

廣東省出臺十條“春暖行動”力挺農民工就業

廣東農民工就業回暖“缺工”倒逼產業轉移

廣東一教育局長受賄被抓 近百校長迫于壓力自首

補習-First flights

補習-First Anniversary of the American Equal Rights Association

補習-Fireworks（讀者自創詩歌）

補習-Final pep-talk speech by General George S Patton

補習-First Inaugural Address speech by Ronald Reagan Washington D

3D電視下半年普及 3年內銷量將暴增？

3D電視市場遭遇瓶頸 價格健康成為主因

3D電視市場反應冷漠 日韓品牌悲喜兩重天

3D電視日本銷售慘淡：僅占平板電視銷量1%

廣東企業對應屆生需求升溫畢業生起薪看漲

廣東一教育局長受賄被抓近百校長迫于壓力自首

3D電視市場遭遇瓶頸價格健康成為主因

3D電視市場反應冷漠日韓品牌悲喜兩重天